We have been lucky enough to have had the wonderful opportunity to spend the last few days in the glorious alpine village of Cavalese. I took full advantage of this time, soaking in the beauty of the mountain village and crossing off one of the highlighted points on my bucket list: ski in the Alps.
How could this possibly be an
Economics class, you ask? Well, it turns out these particular mountains are
home to more than just powder days. They hold the Magnifica Communita de Fiemme
(MCF), a forest managed by an intricate common property regime. We were given
the opportunity to learn about this rarity throughout our time in Cavalese,
hearing from speakers involved in the management of the MCF and reading and
discussing articles focused on the concept of common property regimes. Our article,
“Common property regimes in the forest: just a relic from the past?” by
Margaret McKean and Elinor Ostrom, defined common property regimes, examined
when this method was favored over privatization of resources, and outlined ten
necessities for a successful regime.
Three terms commonly misused
interchangeably to refer to an arrangement like the MCF are common pool
resources, common property, and common property regime/arrangements. However,
they are not synonymous. “Common pool resources” refers to the physical
qualities of a resource or resource system, not the social constructs which
surround it. The second term, common property, has a rather ironic name because
it really is not property at all but instead an open access resource available
to everyone. Most people are well aware of the inefficiency that comes with
common property. For those that are not, I feel Garrett Hardin said it best
when he wrote “Ruin is the destination toward which all men rush, each pursuing his own best interest in a society that believes in the freedom of the commons. Freedom in a commons brings ruin to all.” It is because of this that open access only works when there is little need to manage the resource at all: when the demand is too low to make any difference. Common property regimes, of which the MCF is an example, are ways of privatizing resources without dividing it into pieces. This method of management of a
common pool resource can limit or eliminate the inefficiencies associated with
the tragedy of the commons by giving the rights to a group of people and having
them internalize the responsibility for its use. The MCF is a great example of this by giving
the responsibility of the management of the forest to the participating
community members.
There are five situations which make a
common property regime more advantageous than privatization, and the MCF
relates to all of them.
Indivisibility: This alpine forest area, though not as obviously indivisible as the ocean or the sky, they must still be managed in large units to minimize inefficiency.
Indivisibility: This alpine forest area, though not as obviously indivisible as the ocean or the sky, they must still be managed in large units to minimize inefficiency.
Uncertainty of locations of productive areas: Due to the vast
area, it would be extremely difficult to fully determine where all the most
productive areas of the MCF lie.
Efficiency through internalizing externalities: By uniting,
neighboring villages cannot step on others’ toes when utilizing the forest as
they can all work together to maximize utility as a unit, rather than gaining
at the other’s expense.
Administrative efficiency: By electing a representative body
to manage the resource, the communities can more easily find mutually
beneficial policies.
The reason that the MCF has been so successful in keeping
their common property arrangement going is that they follow each of McKean and
Ostrom’s outlined necessities for success.
The communities who manage the MCF have the ability to
organize and discuss without interference. (Thanks to a prince a few hundred
years ago who felt he could not exploit the resource himself).
The boundaries of the forest are very clear, both legally and
physically. Should anyone attempt to illegally take logs from the MCF, both
parties will know their actions are illegal.
The criteria for membership of the MCF is very clear. (Though
it is under debate at the moment, as it is currently 20 years of residency, but
certain parties believe it takes 80 years to fully commit to the welfare of a
community.)
The governing body of the MCF lends itself to being able to
modify the rules over time, as illustrated in the membership criteria debate.
The MCF rules take into account the maximum sustainable yield
of the area and do not attempt to over –log.
The rules the governing body puts into place are clear, and
infractions are monitored and punished.
The democratic structure of the system lends itself to
fairness, and easy mending of minor conflicts.
Considerable authority is broken down to smaller components,
with two representative boards, one of 42 members and the other consisting of
one representative from each community, totaling 11.
It was such a treat to be able to enter
into this community and hear from a first person perspective about this rare
and complex system of resource management in one of the most beautiful parts of
the world.
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